‘Lover Of Education’: Jaramogi Oginga’s 30th Anniversary; The Untold Briefing
On Saturday, leaders, scholars, and professionals converged at Kisumu’s Ofafa Social Hall to commemorate the 30th anniversary of the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. The day-long memorial, led by ODM party leader Raila Odinga and attended by Governors, MPs, and former First Lady Margaret Kenyatta, commenced at the St. Stephens ACK Church in Kisumu. The church, with its foundation stone laid by the late Jaramogi, hosted morning prayers for family friends and relatives before a procession to Ofafa Hall in Kisumu.
Raila Odinga shared memories of his father, portraying him as a stern but caring figure who consistently prioritized the well-being and education of his children. Odinga conveyed his late father’s unwavering commitment to education, a cause he passionately advocated for in his community.
At the Ofafa Hall gathering, family members reflected on Jaramogi’s legacy as a devoted family man who laid a resilient foundation despite the challenging political climate he faced during his career. Mama Ida emphasized Jaramogi’s strict yet caring nature, stating, “Mzee Jaramogi was a strict father,” with Ruth Odinga echoing the sentiment, adding, “If you want to see Jaramogi alive, look at me standing here.”
The memorial also delved into the historical relationship between Jaramogi and the country’s first President, Jomo Kenyatta, offering attendees a nostalgic journey through the past. Leaders present at the memorial underscored Jaramogi’s significant role in shaping the country’s political landscape, leaving an enduring impact that resonates to this day.
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In the early ’90s, following the introduction of multipartysm, there was a widespread belief that Jaramogi Oginga Odinga was on the verge of realizing his long-held ambition to lead Kenya. The timing seemed opportune as President Daniel arap Moi’s regime faced declining popularity, and the conclusion of the Cold War provided a favorable backdrop for Jaramogi’s aspirations in his later years.
The changing geopolitical landscape, marked by the Soviet Union’s dissolution and the diminishing perception of communism as a threat, played a crucial role. Figures like Jaramogi, previously unfairly associated with communism, now found a more open reception in the West. The West, once distant, began to see Jaramogi as a progressive leader capable of contributing to the removal of the corrupt and oppressive Kanu regime.
Jaramogi’s unexpected visit to London in October 1992, accompanied by James Orengo, coincided with the approaching 1992 elections. Amid rumors in the opposition circles that Britain might assist Moi in election rigging, the British quickly arranged an appointment for him. Surprisingly, neither the Foreign Office nor the British High Commissioner, Sir Walter Kieran Prendergast, were aware of Odinga’s visit until late.
The East African Department in the Foreign Office learned about Jaramogi’s presence in London only after a call from Lord David Steel, the former leader of the Liberal Democratic Party, seeking assistance for the Ford-Kenya leader to meet with Lady Chalker, the Minister for Overseas Development.
Sir Prendergast, discovering Odinga’s visit through the Nation’s front page, lodged a complaint with the Foreign Office. He expressed frustration with Kenyan politicians who often arrived in London unannounced, expecting ministerial-level receptions without prior notice. T.G Hariss from the Foreign Office agreed, acknowledging the challenges posed by opposition politicians during election campaigns.
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Once the Foreign Office became aware of Jaramogi’s visit, officials from the East African Department were determined to dispel any suspicion. In the absence of Lady Chalker, they hastily arranged for Jaramogi to meet Mark Lennox Boyd, the Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Foreign Office. During the meeting, Boyd assured Jaramogi of Britain’s impartiality in the Kenyan election and dismissed rumors of interference.
Notably, Boyd was the son of Alan Lennox Boyd, the British Colonial Secretary who had imposed a constitution on Kenya in 1957, a historical connection that resonated with Jaramogi. The East African Department emphasized the importance of future communication, urging Odinga and Orengo to maintain contact with the High Commission for proper arrangements during future visits.
The hurriedly convened meeting not only underscored the swift pace of events but also marked a notable shift in Odinga’s fortunes concerning the Western powers, who had long perceived him as a significant threat to their interests. This perception stemmed from their tendency to label anyone visiting Eastern capitals, particularly Moscow, as a communist sympathizer.
In 1962, Odinga faced rejection for inclusion in the coalition government proposed by Kenyatta, who had nominated him as Minister for Finance. Subsequently, control over the police was stripped from him when he assumed the role of Home Affairs Minister on June 1, 1963. Post-independence, concerted efforts were made to sideline him within the government, ensuring he would not succeed Kenyatta.
In a confidential telegram from 1964, L.B Walsh Atkins, the former British Secretary of State, expressed concerns: “Most of the evidence on him suggests that he is thoroughly mischievous where our interests are concerned, and I think we all regard him as an almost sinister influence.
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The danger of his taking over from Kenyatta seems at this end to be if anything rather more remote than we were beginning to fear during the summer.” Despite apprehensions, there was a discreet acknowledgment of Odinga’s commendable qualities.
Sir Malcolm MacDonald, who transitioned from Governor-General of Kenya to British High Commissioner in 1964, provided a positive assessment, noting Odinga’s genuine humanity and connection with the common underprivileged people. He emphasized Odinga’s African identity and lack of Western influence, describing him as rooted in African soil, maintaining close ties with ordinary Africans.
MacDonald clarified that Odinga was never a communist but turned to the East due to Western support for his rival, Tom Mboya. With the end of the Cold War in 1990, the West reconsidered Odinga as a potential ally, distancing themselves from former allies like Moi and becoming sensitive to issues like corruption and human rights abuses. Local figures such as Odinga became new allies in the call for reforms.
On February 13, 1991, Odinga announced the formation of the National Democratic Party, aiming to repeal Section 2A of the Kenyan Constitution, which established a one-party state. The West expressed substantial support, prompting inquiries from diplomats about media silence, allegedly influenced by a directive from State House.
Despite challenges in registering the NDP, Odinga became a founding member of Ford, a pressure group advocating for political and constitutional rights. However, tribal and personal rivalries emerged within the group after the government allowed multipartyism on August 9, 1991, diminishing hopes of presenting a unified candidate against President Moi of Kanu.
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In the midst of Ford’s formation during Kenneth Matiba’s absence in London for medical treatment, certain Kikuyu elites clandestinely urged him to contest the Ford leadership position against Odinga. Even during a private meeting with Foreign Office officials, Matiba disclosed that some of Jaramogi’s allies, including Paul Muite and Gitobu Imanyara, had visited him in London to persuade him to withdraw, but he dismissed their entreaties.
Eventually, on May 2, 1992, Matiba returned from London and publicly declared his candidacy. Upon his return, a private meeting ensued at the British High Commissioner’s residence the following day, attended by Jaramogi, Luke Obok, George Khaminwa, and Lord David Steel.
During this meeting, Odinga, when asked about Matiba’s candidacy, expressed skepticism, asserting that Matiba was emerging from the hospital bed and suggested his supporters were overly optimistic, fearing that pressure from them could adversely affect Matiba’s health. In a confidential meeting record, Jaramogi observed that given time to recover, Matiba could “play his part… somewhere,” hinting at concerns about Matiba’s concentration wandering after an hour or so, according to rumors.
A month later, Matiba, visiting London from America, was equally dismissive of Jaramogi’s candidacy. He labeled Jaramogi as “far too senile” and insisted he was the only one capable of solving Kenya’s problems. When officials proposed the idea of Matiba serving as Jaramogi’s vice-president, he rejected it, stating he would not run at all if not selected, as his interests were thriving outside of politics, driven solely by popular demand.
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Despite Matiba’s pivotal role, some of his associates urged flexibility, emphasizing the need for a compromise to mount a credible opposition against Moi. For instance, on August 18, 1992, John Njoroge Michuki approached the British High Commissioner, Sir William Tomkys, requesting intervention to persuade Matiba to reconsider his stance. Michuki even suggested involving Lord Davin Owen, a close British friend of Matiba, to intervene and advise him for the sake of opposition unity.
The period from May to August 1992 witnessed the crystallization of two factions within Ford, disadvantaging Jaramogi’s last political chance. His faction, known as Agip House, stood in contrast to the Matiba/Martin Shikuku faction, termed Muthithi House. Inter-factional suspicions heightened when Shikuku, a Matiba ally, met President Moi at State House, drawing significant criticism.
Classified documents now reveal that Shikuku was coached at the US Embassy before the visit, indicating American interest in using the opportunity to convey a message to Moi.
The briefing presented several issues to Moi, with a key proposal suggesting his resignation in exchange for amnesty, ensuring protection from prosecution. However, upon reaching the hill, the Butere MP focused on the remaining aspects of the brief, neglecting to convey the crucial resignation proposal to Moi. This silence left the Americans displeased with him.
Informed by the Americans about the proposal, the British privately criticized it as “absurd.” They believed Moi would inevitably win the elections due to opposition disunity. One official remarked, “The Americans advancing it suggests they are out of tune with our findings here.” The British felt that, given the chaotic state of the opposition, Moi was confident of a free and fair victory for him and Kanu.
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As a consequence of Shikuku’s unauthorized meeting with Moi, the Ford steering committee suspended him. Gachoka assumed the role of interim Secretary-General. Subsequently, Shikuku and the Matiba faction announced the suspension of Jaramogi as interim chairman, replacing him with George Nthenge. This led to the division of Ford into two political formations: Ford-Kenya led by Jaramogi and Ford-Asili led by Matiba.
Expressing growing concerns over opposition disunity, Masinde Muliro visited London with a strict message for Ford leaders. During a private meeting at the Foreign Office in August 1992, Mark Elliot, the British Under Secretary of State, instructed Muliro to convey a message to opposition leaders to unite behind one candidate. Failure to do so, Elliot warned, would result in Moi’s victory, deepening the country’s descent into dictatorship and corruption.
Regrettably, Muliro never delivered the message, collapsing and dying upon arrival at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. Diplomats urged Mwai Kibaki, who had resigned to form the Democratic Party, to consider collaborating with Jaramogi if Matiba chose a solo path. Kibaki expressed openness to a post-election deal during discussions with a British diplomat. He proposed repealing constitutional amendments preventing coalition governments in case Odinga won without a majority.
Jaramogi sought Kibaki’s support for his presidential bid but perceived him as too passive. In a meeting with Lord Steel at the High Commissioner’s residence, Jaramogi described his relationship with Kibaki as “on talking terms, not hostile,” but criticized him as “too gentle” and conflict-avoidant.
Despite these developments, the opposition remained fragmented, lacking a clear vision, and suffered defeat by Moi in the December 1992 elections. Jaramogi finished fourth and passed away two years later, in January 1994, due to age-related complications.
‘Lover Of Education’: Jaramogi Oginga’s 30th Anniversary; The Untold Briefing
